Hassan Mohamud,
a
Media Expert
Communication Expert
I am a media and Communication expert with 15 years of experience. I use media to empower communities and advocate for human rights. My work includes project management, human rights protection, and community engagement.

Areas I Interest
Media Management
I guide organizations in managing their media presence to reach the right audience effectively.
Project Management
I lead projects from planning to execution, ensuring they create significant social impact.
Human Rights Advocacy
I advocate for good governance and societal justice, raising awareness and promoting equitable policies.

About Me
I am Hassan Mohamed, a media and communication expert with over 15 years of experience. My journey has been dedicated to empowering communities and advocating for human rights. I specialize in media management, project management, and promoting good governance and societal justice. Through my work, I strive to create positive change and give a voice to those who need it most.
- Experience: Over 15 years in media and communication
- Specializations: Media Management, Project Management, Human Rights Advocacy
- Mission: To drive positive change and advocate for good governance and justice.
My Profile
Education
PGD in Law
Somali National University
Master's in Public Administration
Lincoln University College Malaysia
Bachelor’s Degree in Management Science
SIMAD University
Diploma In International Human Rights Law
Certifications
Newsroom Conflict Management
Civic Leadership
Digital Media Content Creation
Investigative and Data Journalism
Media Freedom and Freedom of expression in Africa,
Humanitarian Response to Conflict and Disaster
Project Management
Computer Basics and Hardware
English Language
Professional Experience
Founder and Board Member
Independence House.
Board Director Member
GoobJoog Media Group.
General Director
Hoobaan General Services (2023 - Current)
Executive Manager
GoobJoog Media Group (2015 - 2023)
Communication and Media Consultant
Sahara Productions from June (2017 - 2020 )
Community Engagement Advisor
Ministry of Interior and Federal Affairs, Somalia Federal Government (2014 - May).
Company Experience
RNTC
SIMAD University
YALI EAST AFRICA
ICYF
NAKADSA
My Blog

Dastuurka, Sharuucda iyo Kala Dhantaalnaanta Sharciyadeed ee Dowladnimada Soomaaliya
Soomaaliya oo ah dal ka soo kabanaya collaado oo aan la heyn dastuur ay dadweynaha u codeeyeen ayaa waxay ku jirtaa dadaal ay ku dhameystirayso dastuurka si afti dadweyne loogu qaado. Dastuurka ayaa ah hagaha ugu sarreeya ee hanaanka dowliga ah, waxa uu sheegayaa qaabka loo dooranayo madaxda ugu sarreysa dalka iyo wadashaqeynta heerarka kala duwan ee hey’adaha dalka iyo hanaanka maamul ee dowladda Soomaaliya.
Cutubka koowaad ee dastuurka dalka ayaa sheegaya in Soomaaliya ay tahay dal ay dowladiisa federaal demoquraadi ah tahay oo dadweynaha dooranayaan matalayaasha iyo madax sare ee dalka. Dhameystirka dastuurka marka laga tago heshiisyada siyaasadeed, codeynta goleyaasha baarlamaanka, iyo aftida shacabka, waxa uu sheegayaa in la dhiso hey’ado dastuuri ah, iyo in la sameeyo sharciyo si dalka u yeesho hey’ado iyo sharuuc illaalisa xuquuqda aadahana.
Dhameystirka dhismaha hey’adaha dowladda ee rasmiga ah, marka laga soo tago unkidda kuwa ay keeneyso hadba cimilada iyo dhaqdhaqaaqa dhaqan dhaqaallaha, waa asaaska habka dhexe ee kala hagaya macaamilka nidaamka dowliga ah, hadaba sheekada qoraalkan waxay qotontaa sida ay u kala dhantaalan yihiin shuruucdii iyo hey’adihii qaban lahaa shaqooyinka dowladda, si ay u fulaan hawlaha dowladda, si hufan oo ay wadashaqeyn qurxan ku dhex mari karto dowladda, muwaadiniinta, iyo dowladda xubnaha ka ah dowladda dhexe.
Dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah ee ka kooban shan iyo tobanka cutub, waxa uu farayaa in la dhameyrtito iyada oo la marayo wadatashi iyo iskaashi, lagana heshiinayo siyaasadda iyo qeybsiga kheyraadka, si loo helo dal leh dowlad ay caddahay xuquuqda iyo waajibaadka saaran muwaadinkeeda.
Cutubka Koowaad ee dastuurka Soomaaliyeed ee ka hadla baaqa jamhuuriyadda federaalka Soomaaliya Qodobka 8-aad, farqada 2’aad ayaa sheegaya in la sameeyo Sharciga Jinsiyadaha oo kala cadeynaya muwaadinimada Soomaaliya.
Ka hor inta aan la qaadan hanaanka federaalka ah muwaadinnimada Soomaaliya waxaa sal u ahaa isirka, waxaana qaadanayay qof walba oo dhiiga Soomaali ka ah, waana sharciga jinsiyada Soomaaliya ee wali jira.
Dad badan waxay walaac ka qabaan isla jaanqaadka hanaanka federaalka ka ah iyo Sharciga Jinsiyadaha. Waa sharci muhiim u ah bixinta kaarka dhalashada iyo cadeynta qofka Soomaaliga ah. Waxaana looga fadhiyaa baarlamaanka Soomaaliya in ay sameeyaan sharciga jinsiyada Soomaaliya.
Soomaaliyaa oo qaadatay hanaanka baahinta awoodda ee federaalka ah dastuurkeeda ku meel gaarka ah waxuu cadeynayaa in caasimadda dalka tahay Muqdisho, waxaase Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya looga fadhiyaa sameynta sharciga Maqaamka Magaalo Madaxda Jamhuuriyadda sida uu qabo qodobka 9’aad.
Cutubka Labaad ee ka hadla xaquuq asaasiga ah iyo waajibaadka muwaadinka oo ah cutub aad u dheer faaffaahin xoggana ka bixinaya xaqad muwaadinka, waxa uu soo jeedinayaa in la sameeyo dhawr sharci oo aasaas u ah ilaalinta xaqa aadahana, waa meesha sheegaysa in dowladda Soomaaliya tahay dowlad fursadsiisa muwaadiniinteeda ama mid ku tunta xaquuqda aadanaha ee Allah ku maneeyay qofka aadanaha ah.
Dhawrka sharci ee uu cutubka labaad soo jeediyay waxaa ka mid ah sameynta Sharciga Xaqa Helida Macluumaadka sida uu qabo qodobka 32aad ee dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah Farqada 3’aad. Si la mid cutubkaan waxa uu tilmaamayaa in la sameeyo sharci muhiim u ah macaamilka dowladda iyo dowladdaha kale ee dunida, buddhigna u ah difaacidda xaquuqda aadamiga, waa sharci ay tahay in lagu ilaaliyo xaquuqda maxaabiista ku xiran wadanka gudahiisa iyo kuwa laga soo dhoofinayo dibadda, waa sharciga Isucelinta eedeysanayaasha iyo Dambiilayaasha oo looga fadhiyo baarlamaanka Soomaaliya in ay meel mariyaan sida uu qabo qodobka 36 add, farqada 2’aad.
Isla cutubka labaad ee dastuurka waxa uu qabaa in la dhiso sharciga Qaxootiga iyo Magangelyada, waa sharci ahmiyad u leh dadka magan doonka ah ee raba in ay soomaaliya ka dhigtaan hoy ay ku ammaan helaan, iyo kuw raba in ay ku soo qaxaan. Qodobka 37’aad, farqada 2’aad ayaa soo jeedineysa in la sameeyo sharcigaan. sharcigaan Golaha Shacabka ayaa anisiyay.
Cutubka Saddexaad waxa uu ka hadlayaa Dhulka, Hantida, iyo Deegaanka waxa uuna soo jeedinayaa dhawr sharci iyo xeerar ay soo saarayaan maamulada dalka, xukuumadda dhexe iyo Baarlamaanka federaalka ah.
Sida ku cad qodobka 43, farqada 3’aad xukuumadda federaalka ah iyo kuwa maaulada dalka waxay sameynayaan xeerar lagu hago badqabka, lahaansha, iyo isticmaalka dhulka. Baarlamaanka Federaalku ayaa soo saaraya Sharciga la haanshaha Dhulka sida ku cad qodobka 43’aad, farqada 4’aad. Dhanka kale cutubkaa waxa uu qabaa in la sameeyo xeerar iyo Sharciyada Qeybsiga Kheyraadka sida uu sheegayo qodobka 44’aad ee dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah ee Soomaaliya.
Dhawrista deegaanka waa asaaska nolosha aadanaha iyo xayawaanka, dastuurka Soomaaliya waxa uu soo jeediyaa in maamulada iyo dowladda dhexeba ay soo saaraan sharciyo lagu ilaalinayo deegaanka, qodobka 45’aad, farqada 4’aad ayaa qabta in la sameeyo Sharciga Deegaanka. Dhawaan ayuu baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ansixiyay sharciga ilaalinta, maareynta deegaanka.
Marka laga soo tago in dastuurka Soomaaliya sheegayo qaadashada hanaanka baahinta awoodaha waxa uu qabaa in dadweynaha ay leeyihiin awoodda dowladnimada ee ugu dambeysa ee ayna dooranayaan madaxda hey’adaha ay u igmadeen fulinta adeegyada.
Cutubka Afraad ee dastuurka waa matalaada shacabka, waxa uu sheegayaa in heerarka dowladda yihiin saddex heer dowladda dhexe, kuwa xubno ka ah iyo dowladaha hoose, waxuuna soo jeedinayaa in la sameeyo sharuuc qayaxaysa hanaanka wadashaqeynta dowladda iyo dowladaha xubnaha ka ah, wadashaqeynta dhey’adaha dowladda dhexdooda saddexda heerba.
Qodobka 47’aad ee dastuurka waxa uu soo jeedinayaa in la sameeyo sharciyo lagu maamulayo Doorashooyinka iyo Axsaabta dalka.
Si loo dhameystiro dastuurka iyo hanaanka federaalka ah, dastuurka waxa uu sheegayaa in la dhiso dowlado xubno ka noqda dowladda federaalka ah, waxa uuna qabaa in si iskood ah ay gobolada iskugu biiraan, si ay u dhistaan maamul goboleed. Si dowladda goboleedka ay xubin kaga noqoto dowladda dhexe waa in la sameeyo sharci, baarlamaanka federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa soo saaraya sharciga tirada iyo xuduudaha dowladda xubnaha ka ah dowladda federaalka ah sida ku cad qodobka 49’aad ee dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah, sharcigaan wali lama soo saarin, waxaase dhismay 5 maamul goboleed marka lagu daro Puntland oo horay u dhisneyd.
Hanaanka Baahinta awoodda waxa uu dhisay dowlado yaryar oo xubin ka ah dowladda dhexe, waana in ay wadashaqeyn dhexe marto labada heer ee dowladda, mid kor ah iyo mid siman, sidaa tarteed dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah waxa uu soo jeedinayaa in la sameeyo sharciga qayaxaya hanaanka xiriirka iskaashiga heerarka dowladaha federaalka, sida ku cad qodobka 51aad, farxaqada 5.
Dowladda dhexe waxay yeelanay laba gole oo baarlamaan ah, golaha shacabka iyo aqalka sare, wadashaqeynta labada aqal waxay u baahantahay xeer, dastuurka federaalka ah waxa uu sheegayaa in la sameeyo Xeerka Habka Wadashaqeynta Labada Aqal sida uu muujinayo qodobka 57’aad ee dastuurka jamhuuriyada federaalka ah. Si la mid ah xeerka wadashaqeynta labada aqal waxa uu sheegayaa in la sameeyo xeer lagu dhisayo guddiyada wadaaga ah ee baarlamaanka federaalka Soomaaliya ee ku cad qodobka 62’aad, waxuuna muhiim u yahay fududeynta hawlaha baarlamaanka, waana hawl qabyo u ah baarlamaanka Soomaaliya in uu dhiso guddiga wadaaga ah. Isla cutubkaan waxa uu sheegayaa in labada aqal ay sameystaan xeer hoosaadyo sheegaya sida aqal walba u gudanayo hawl maalmeedkiisa sida ku qoran qodobka 66’aad, farqada 3’aad, iyo qodobka 75’aad farqada koowaad, labada aqalba waxay sameysteen xeer hoosaad ay ku hawlgalaan.
Cutubkaan waxa uu sheegayaa in la sameeyo Sharciga Xasaanada Xildhibaanada sida uu soo jeedinayo qodobka 70’aad, farqada 4’aad ee dastuurka Soomaaliya.
Kala qeybinta awoodaha dowladnimada oo saldhig u ah hanaanka awoodda shacabka si uu u dhameystirmo, Cutubka Sagaalaad ee dastuurka waxa uu soo jeeda in la dhiso golaha adeega garsoorka kaas oo ka madax baneynaya hey’adda Garsoorka, Baarlamaanka iyo Laanta Fulinta. Dastuurka federaalka ah qodobka 105’aad farqada 2, waxay qabtaa in la dhiso hey’adda garsoorka, baarlamaanka federaalka Soomaaliyana uu soo saaro sharci qayaxaya Qaab Dhismeedka Garsoorka. Lagamana heshiin qaabdhismeedka Garsoorka Soomaaliya, baarlamaanka Soomaaliyana ma soo saarin sharci, waxayse baarlamaanka gudbiyeen sharciga lagu dhisayo golaha adeega garsoorka.
Hiigsiga shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee ah in ay helaan dowlad gob ah, oo leh hey’ado salfadhiya oo aysan fududeyn in qolo afduubto, waxay u baahantahay in la dhiso gudiyo madax banaan, iyo hey’ado aan aheyn golaha wasiirada, baarlamaanka, iyo garsoorka kuwaa oo bixiya adeegyo dowladeed, oo dheeli tiran. Cutubka Tobnaad ee dastuurka waxa uu soo jeedinayaa in la dhiso dhawr guddi oo madax banaan, oo Heer Federaal iyo Heer Dawladaha xubnaha ka ah Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya, waajibaadkooda, xilkooda, iyo tiradooda waxaa lagu qeexayaa xeer ah oo laga ansixiyo labada Aqal ee Baarlamaanka Federaalka Soomaaliya.
Qodobka 111A waxa uu sheegayaa in la sameeyo sharciga dhismaha Golaha Adeega Garssoorka, 30 Juun, 2014, Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya waxa uu ansixiyay sharci lagu dhisayo golaha adeega garsoorka, waxaanse wali la dhisin guddiga adeega garsoorka Soomaaliya.
Cutubka koowaad ee dastuurka waxa uu soo jeediyay in la sameeyo gudi ilaaliya xuquuqda aadamiga, qodobka 111 farqadiisa B ee dastuurka Iyana waxay qabtaa in la dhiso Guddiga Xuquuqda Aadamiga, Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa 6 Juun, 2016 ansixiyay Sharciga dhismaha Guddiga Xuquuqul Insaanka, walise waxa laalan sameynta guddiga.
Soomaaliya oo ah dal dowladnimadiisa ay tahay mid curdun ah, ayna dhisneyn hey’adihiisa maaliyadeed oo hufan, waxaa lafdhabar u ah hufnaanta dhaqaalaha dalka, dhismaha Gudiga la dagaalanka Musuqmaasuqa, sida uu qabo qodobka 111’aad, farqadiisa C oo qabta in la dhiso gudi madax banaan, Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya waa uu meel mariyay sharciga dhisida Guddiga La dagaalanka Musuqmaasuqa, baarlamaanka Soomaaliya waxa uu soo saaray sharci lagu dhisayo guddiga la dagaalanka musuqa 5 December, 2018, waxaanse wali la dhisin guddigii qaban lahaa shaqada.
Maadaama dastuurka uu siinayo dadweynaha awoodda ugu dambeysa, qodobka 111 farqadiisa G waxay qabtaa in la sameeyo sharciga dhismaha Guddiga Qaran ee Doorashooyinka. Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya waxa uu ansixiyay sharciga dhismaha guddiga doorashooyinka, 11 Feebaraayo, 2025, waxaana la dhisay guddiga, waxaase kala diray madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyada federaalka Soomaaliya, waxayse sharciyqaanada wax iska weydiiyeen hanaanka loo maray kala dirista guddiga.
Hanaanka baahsanaanta awoodaha ee federaalka ah waxay dhistay maamul goboleedyo xubno ka ah dowladda dhexe, halkaa waxaa ka dhashay sameysanka xuduudo ay yeelanayaan dhexdooda, hadaba dastuurka federaalka ah qodobokiisa 111’aad farqadiisa E waxay soo jeedineysaa in baarlamaanka federaalka ah sameeyo Sharciga Dhismaha Guddiga Xuduudaha iyo Federaalka, waxuuna sharcigaan ka mid noqday sharuucda la sameeyay 22 December, 2014, wallow guddigii uu kala diray madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyada.
Qodobka 111 farqadiisa (I), waxay soo jeedineysaa in la dhiso dhismaha guddiga runta iyo dib u heshiisiinta, baarlamaanka Federaalka ahna ay soo saaraan sharci sheegaya awoodaha iyo xilalka guddiga. Guddigaan Lama dhisin.
Sidoo la mid ah Qodobka 111 ee dastuurka farqihiisa D, F, H, J, waxay qabaan in la sameeyo sharciyo lagu dhisayo guddiyo madax banaan oo masuuliyaadkooda iyo waajibaadkooda cadeynayaan sharciyo ay soo saaraan baarlamaanka, waxaana ka mid ah sharciyada la soo saarayo; Sharciga dhismaha guddiga adeega Baarlamaanka, Sharciga dhismaha Guddiga Isku-xirka Xukuumadaha, Sharciga dhismaha Gudiga Ammaanka Qaranka, Sharciga dhismaha Xafiiska Gardoonka Dadweynaha, sida ay iskugu xigaan. Dhammaan guddiyada qeybtaan ku xusan ma sameyn sharciyadii lagu dhisi lahaa.
Isla cutubka tobnaan, qodobka 114 ee dastuurka, waxaa ku xusan in dowladda yeelato xafiisyo guud oo madax banaan kuwaa oo bixinaya adeegyo dowladeed, lehna awood ay ku korjoogteeyaan hey’adaha dowladda ee ay shaqo wadaagta yihiin, si loo helo awood dowladeed oo isku dheeli tiran. Qodobkaan waxa uu soo jeedinayaa in baarlamaanka Soomaaliya soo saaro sharciyo cadeynaya awoodaha iyo kaalimaha Xafiiska Garyaqaanka Guud, xafiiska Hanti Dhawraha Guud, Sharciga dhismaha xafiiska Xisaabiyaha Guud. Dhawaan madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ayaa saxiixay sharciga Hanti Dhawrka Guud ee Qaran, kadib mudo dheer oo uu sharcigaan ku noqnoqanayay xafiiska madaxweynaha iyo baarlamaanka.
Sharciga Xadidiya Shaqaalaha ka Reeban Siyaasadda, baarlamaanka Soomaaliya waxa uu soo saarayaa sharci lagu xadidayo shaqaalaha rayidka ah ee dowladda ee ay ka reeban tahay in ay qeyb ka noqdaan ururo siyaasadeed, dalka waxa uu qaatay hanaan baahinta awoodda oo dadweynaha ay leeyihiin awoodda ugu sareysa, ayna dooranayaan hogaamiyaasha iyo dadka ku matalaya siyaasadda, hadaba si la iskugu dheeli tiro awoodda meesha looga saaro eex baarlamaanka ayaa soo saaraya sharci lagu xadidayo qeybaha shaqaalaha dowladda ee ay ka reeban tahay in ay xisbi ka mid noqdaan sida ku cad qodobka 118, farqadiisa, 3’aad. Sharcigaan wali ma uusan soo bixin. Isla cutubkaan waxaa ku arkaysaa in baarlamaanka Soomaaliya soo saarayo Sharciga Shaqaaaha Rayidka ah sida uu soo jeedinayo qodobka 119’aad, farqadiisa 2’aad. Hada waxaa lagu shaqeeyaa sharciyo la sameeyay dowladdii dhexe iyo dowladihii ku meel gaarka.
Dowladda dhexe awoodaha uu dastuurka u gaaryeelay, waxaa ka mid ah lacagta, waxaana maamulaya lacagta Bangiga dhexe, Baaralamaanka waxa uu meelmarinayaa sharciga Dhismaha Bangiga Dhexe, sida ku cad qodobka 123, farqada 1’aad. Si la mid waxaa la soo saarayaa Sharciga Heykalka Maamulka Maaliyada, sida uu qabo qodobka 124’aad ee dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah. Waxaa kale oo dastuurka soo jeedinayaa in la curiyo oo la meelmariyo Sharciga dhismaha Hey’adda Keydka Qaranka, sida ku xusan qodobka 125 ee dastuurka. Dowladda Soomaaliya waxay sameysay sharciga lacag dhaqista, iyo sharciga xayiraada cayiman.
Soomaaliya oo dhawaan qaadatay hannaanka daadajinta awoodaha, waxay u baahantahay in la sameeyo Sharciyo Hey’adaha Ammaanka oo ay ka mid yihiin sharciga booliiska, nabad sugida, asluubta iyo ciidanka xoogga, socdaalka, dhammaan horay waxay u la haayeen sharciyo dowladdii dhexe, hadana waxaynu qaadanay hanaanka dowladnimada baahsan ee awoodaha loo qeybiyay labo ilaa saddex heer, dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah qodobka 130’aad ee Cutubka afar iyo tobnaad, waxa uu dhigayaa in la sameeyo Sharciga hey’adaha Ammaanka, wadashaqeynta dhexdooda ah, heerarka, masuuliyaadka iyo waajibaadka qeyb walba cadeynaya. Dhawaan baarlamaanka Soomaaliya waxa uu meel mariyay sharciga dhismaha hey’adda nabad sugida, iyo hey’adda socdaalka. Baarlamaaka Soomaaliya waxuu meel mariyay sharciga la dagaalanka argagixisada.
Dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah si uu kaga baxo kumeel gaarnimada waxaa la marinayaa hanaan dheer oo dhawr waji leh, oo ay ku jiraan helida heshiis siyaasadeed, codka golaha baarlamaanka, aqbalaada dadweynaha, iyo saxiixa madaxweynaha, kadiba waxaa lagu faafinayaa faafinta rasmiga ah sidaasna waxa uu ku noqonayaa dastuur rasmi ah. Hadda si afti dadweyne loogu qaado dastuurka waxay baarlamaanka soo saarayaan Sharciga Aftida Dadweynaha, sida ku cad qodobka 141’aad ee dastuurka ku meel gaarka ah.
Heykalka dowladnimada waxaa xoojinkara sharciyo, haga hey’adaha dowladda, Soomaaliya waxay kaga bixi kartaa qaska iyo maamul xumada in ay hesho hey’ado dowladeed oo sharciyo dhameystiran leh. Mar walba dastuurka iyo sharuucda kale ee dalka wax ka badal ayaa lagu sameyn karaa, waana shaqo qulqul ah oo aan dhammaad la heyn, waxayna la jaanqaadeysa nolosha aadanaha iyo isbedalka ku dhacaya koonka dowladnimada.
In xeerarka la Federaaleeyo, dib u eegis lagu sameeyo lana dhameystiro sharciyada, dhismaha hey’adaha dastuuriga ah ee aasaasiga u ah shaqada dowladnimada Soomaaliya, waa qandho jabiyaha koowaad ee lagu lagu dhufan karo dhismaha dowladnimada Soomaaliya, waana mida keliya ee dhisi karta dowlad dimoquraadi ah oo ku shaqeysa hannaanka federaalka ah oo dheeli tiran.

The need for a strong independent judicial system in Somalia
After long electoral process held in the entire regions of Somalia, selective delegates from sub-clans elected members of representatives who in turn in February 2017 members of parliament voted in president Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed known as Farmaajo who received warm welcome from people across the country.
No sooner of his election than his appointment of his prime minister to complete other executives of the government.
Somali people had strong support for the president hoping to progress the country forward and lead to reach consensus on a political agreement which would result in economic stability, completing federal system and next general election for the citizens to regain their rights to vote in political candidates willing to have goodwill in the society and can realize their visions.
When central government collapsed in early 1990s, every aspect of Somalia’s basic justice system was destroyed. Fortunately local traditional elders, previous transitional and federal authority paid some efforts to establish country judiciary system to be implemented nationwide but partially Somali society has fragile courts working with legal books full of outdated articles on both criminal and civil divisions originating from a centralized authority rule of laws while Somali governmental system turned into a federal judiciary system.
The country has non-provisional constitution that guarantees the independence of the judiciary and establishes a judicial infrastructure. However, formal judiciary system suffer huge corruption and low public trust, while the country took federal system, but laws and procedures applied in Somalia’s judiciary branch are based on former centralized government norms.
By the time of Hassan Sheikh Administration (first non-transitional federal government in Somalia) had ministry of justice which strived to develop courts, lawyers and general attorney office unluckily political crises influenced and saturated all the activities of the then government including building well established high court, independent judicial service commission even though Somalia lower house representatives passed a bill to form the commission.
Somalia government backed by international community established a fundamental justice system, but there is urgent need and strong demand of independent commission. Similarly the constitutional court which is responsible for the constitutional interpretation and the federal courts are expected to spread justice throughout the country.
In Somalia, people from low income household, vulnerable and minority clans very limited financial lack access to justice and are facing challenges to file a case like hiring professional lawyers and expecting judges’ decision based on impartiality free from bribe or other interest.
Somalia has no general universal judicial system but local courts work on a combination of traditional and Islamic laws that constitutes the basic judicial framework. Justice system face challenges and criticism from Shari’a leaders with specific interest in the field of power-sharing which spreads statements showing it is against Shari’a law and created confusion in the minds of the local people who are mostly possess little knowledge on the constitution leading to a decline of public credibility of a regulatory system. Also clannish and nomad culture has huge influence in the implementation of decisions made by the judges and law enforcements which turn down of the morality of the society with on the law setting legal crises identity.
Adding that Somalis have so many questions when it comes to justice transparency and confidence, some parts of the community believe there are huge mismanagement and corruption in the courts and judges’ decision professionalism specifically cases involved venerable individuals or has political influence.
Somalia is planning to hold one person one vote election with multiparty political parties which is more complex than previous elections that can lead the country into political crises and instability if there is no strong independent judicial system.
Few federal state courts have been established in the regional administrations due to several obstacles including Al-shabab challenge, government financial capacity and political interest. Also the courts that have been constructed receive criticism from some of the civil right groups believed to be mostly financed and controlled by the leaders of regional federal member administrations which question the independence of justice to be passed by such courts.
At times political cases are filed in Mogadishu courts which are more critical than ordinary civil issues requiring legal interpretation and fairness of the court decision since allegations of the involvements of political money and influential persons is rife. An example one is that the parliamentary seats dispute and the recent case of the prominent politician and former presidential candidate Abdirahman Abdishakur which the city courts experienced last month. Abdishakur was arrested by government elite security forces in a midnight raid in his residence in Mogadishu, Somalia. The government was severely criticized on their illegal activity by some MPs on executing a dangerous mission without court mandate acting like a predator than a protector. He was later released by a judge in Banadir Regional Court after spending 4 days in a government cell. Thereafter Somali Attorney General appealed against his release the next day remand and Banadir Appeal Court ruled in absentia by restricting his abroad travel and movement in the country.
Members of civil society and number of political leaders suggested the urgent requirements for amendments made some articles of Somali legal penalty since country system is shifting into a democratic federal state.
While Somalia took federal system which is almost succeeded of erecting five federal member states excluding the self breakaway Somaliland in the northwest of the country, there is no effective function independent judiciary in all federal states except Puntland although it remained nominal institutional structure without reaching the rural towns inhabited by nomadic people.
Also the newly elected president pledged a system transformation within three months when Somalia president was celebrating his first 100 days of achievement noting it’s the end of injustice emanating from the Somali judges system promising essentially reform, but still there is no clear improvement on the sector.
The urgent need for implementing justice system unification between the federal government and the regional member states based on identical standards, procedures, and aggregate custodian it is vital point to consider.
Somalia government and international stakeholders usually focus comprehensively on two factors beside security. First the imperative of creating a conducive electoral environment permitting for holding one person one vote and second is completing the draft constitution that will obviously streamline the quest for amicable, reliable and efficient Somali justice system which is one of the primary factors for Somalia’s peace and stability.
Civil society, human right groups and stakeholders local and international should collaborate on initiating, formulating and public policy to help venerable people find justice and fairness through a panel of judges in Somalia.
Somali parliament also must consider as a priority the formulation of Somalia’s independent commission of judiciary services, constitutional court and completing other laws and regulations remaining to find strong independent justices system.

OP-ED: Somali business community has failed to take pro-active steps in political processes and state-building
Despite the huge influence and financial muscle, thanks to standing in place for the government for several decades, the Somali business community and especially industry movers have not leveraged their economic power in productive politics and state-building.
Some have instead compromised political processes through various antagonistic schemes to undermine the state-building processes and serve their narrow interests. In a similar vein, some of these traders, though have benefitted from an open market policy, have worked to counterman the same open policy through deliberate de-liberalization in form of monopolies and oligarchic tendencies.
Once a budding democracy, Somalia got stuck in a time warp that cut short a futuristic dream of prosperity and democracy since the second decade of independence. What followed next for over four decades was a return to the dark which nipped in the bud institution growth, rule of law, democratic spaces and social and economic growth.
FILLING THE VOID
During this period, however, a critical component of nation-building- the business community stepped in to fill the void. The government was absent while civil society occupied the margins. The government, which ideally has the monopoly of conflict and maintenance of public order through rules, laws and enforcement mechanisms was forced to abdicate its role leaving it to an amorphous collection of bodies such as warlords, terrorists, and clan militia.
While the various non-state armed groups jostled for power and influence, the business community build an empire providing goods and services, running schools, hospitals, utility services such as water, electricity, telecommunications, and even built roads to connect communities. In effect, this new state-within-a-state framework became a model of how to live without a government. In fact, some East and Horn of Africa countries would soon become envious of Somalia as it boasted some superior services such as the internet which has been billed as the cheapest in the continent.
In a similar vein, some of these traders, though have benefitted from an open market policy, have worked to counterman the same open policy through deliberate de-liberalization in form of monopolies and oligarchic tendencies.
Additionally, the business sector has become the largest single employer in the country. The Federal Government has an estimated 7,000 staff base while the Federal Member States combined count for about half of these numbers. With youth unemployment standing at about 67%, some of the youth find their way into the business sector while a majority of them remain without a source of income. Besides providing employment opportunities, the business community has been instrumental in humanitarian response during droughts, floods, and conflicts.
PROTECTING STATUS QUO, UNDERMINING STATE-BUILDING
Despite these positive contributions and taking into account the challenges inherent to doing business in Somalia from insecurity, absence of strong legislative and policy frameworks to inaccessibility to international markets among other bottlenecks, the business community has not taken proactive steps in the state-building process. If any, some have worked to undermine it and create a dysfunctional system to allow their businesses to thrive.
From corrupting and colluding with government ministers and lawmakers to delay and strangle certain legislations to guaranteeing ministers steady income on condition they secure them long term contracts to undermining enforcement of certain policies and legislations, some power barons in the business sector have created and maintained an aura of confusion, lawlessness and weak structural systems which ensure their uninterrupted expansion and influence.
According to the 2021 National Budget, domestic revenue, largely from the business community stood at $270 million translating to about a third of the $680 million budget. This contribution affords the business community the influence, power and leverage to shape up the country’s state-building process for the greater common good.
Business firms also allocate economic resources to political leaders such as line ministers of particular industry sectors to sustain non-competitive market practices instead of championing national laws giving business rights to operate and maintaining financially healthy markets.
DELIBERATE OR SIT-BACK APPROACHES
The business community has also either taken a laid-back approach or deliberately chosen to stay out of key political processes. Hardly has the business community stood up and demanded space in consultative forums where political leaders deliberate consequential political matters. For instance, the current electoral cycle has been characterized by several political engagements but the business community has been conspicuously missing.
In other jurisdictions, the business community robustly informs political processes through joint memoranda, direct participation in meetings, sponsoring bills for a better business environment, and even taking stances on adverse political developments in the country.
However, all is not lost. The business community especially industry leaders can still seize the moment by taking the front seat in deciding the country’s destiny. According to the 2021 National Budget, domestic revenue, largely from the business community stood at $270 million translating to about a third of the $680 million budget. This contribution affords the business community the influence, power and leverage to shape up the country’s state-building process for the greater common good.
Contact With Me
